اندیشهفلسفهخردگفتگوحکمتمعناپرسشفرهنگ
Iran's pervasive crisis is rooted in domestic structures, and overcoming it requires citizens to acknowledge the reality of the crisis and strive for fundamental structural change to achieve democracy and justice: Mousa Akrami's answer to the question, 'What is to be done?'

Note: I have previously published a text titled “What Is to Be Done?” on my Telegram channel on two occasions in connection with the crises in our homeland, Iran: on 2 August 2018 / 11 Mordad 1397 and on 14 January 2020 / 24 Dey 1398. That text can now be found with a little searching on the internet.
Now, too, in connection with the current critical situation of our homeland, it seems necessary to publish that text for a third time, with changes for the sake of further clarification.
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Mousa Akrami, Thursday, 19 May 2022 / 29 Ordibehesht 1401
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1. Iranians born before the early 1970s who now live inside or outside the country and are sensitive to the fate of their homeland more or less remember and know that, under conditions of various fundamental problems in different sectors of the country, and with the militant and consciousness-raising efforts of a broad and diverse spectrum of opponents of the status quo and proponents of a desirable political, social, economic, and cultural situation, a high percentage of various urban, rural, and nomadic strata of the country’s population, with the aspirations and hopes reflected in various relevant writings, slogans, and speeches, and also with a readiness for sacrifice and even self-sacrifice in the path of those aspirations and hopes, brought a passionate revolution to victory – in the stage of overthrowing a government that obstructed the realization of those aspirations and hopes – a revolution whose ideals were partly rooted in the pre-modern era and which was itself a continuation of the idealistic struggles that had reached relative maturity on the threshold of Iran’s entry into modernity with constitutionalism and the demand for modern institutions of social life and a political structure based on a national covenant such as a constitution.
2. Now our beloved homeland, the ancient home of the birth, growth, and social, cultural, political, economic, and moral life of Iranians, is passing through extremely dangerous critical moments, a crisis that
1) has encompassed all political, cultural, economic, social, developmental, environmental, health, educational, research, and moral spheres,
2) almost none of the participants in the revolutionary movements from constitutionalism to republicanism had any conception of and would not have believed its possible prediction,
3) did not emerge overnight but has a long-standing background both in the era before the victory of the revolution and in the post-revolution theoretical and administrative-organizational structures in the general sense, as well as in the functions of the various agents and structures of the existing political system, and
4) has now so increased in quantity and quality that it is about to spread its roots to the bone marrow of the entire body of the country and paralyze or kill all organs.
3. Under such conditions,
1) which Iranian, whose heart is bound to love for the homeland, interest in its national interests, and concern for the true ideals of independence, justice, freedom, and prosperity of the country, is not simultaneously worried about the current conditions of the country and its future and thinking about “what is to be done” to overcome the various existing difficulties?
2) this is the question of every Iranian entangled in the country’s various problems, from themselves and from every other compatriot, every Iranian from among the very many Iranians who themselves or whose ancestors joined the revolutionary movement for those ideals and by adhering to them for the purpose of overthrowing the deadlocked monarchical system, or, while believing in those ideals, opposed that revolutionary movement for various reasons and causes.
4. To arrive at an answer to “what is to be done,” it is expected that all concerned and aware Iranian citizens, both within and outside the government, inside and outside the country, out of a genuine and principled commitment to comprehensive national interests, believe in the cold season that began long ago, recognize the existence of a pervasive crisis, and strive to diagnose its characteristics and causes as well as to resolve it, so that the country, with the necessary fundamental changes in structures and agents, may enjoy conditions and activities befitting a dignified life for all Iranians, with the necessary and sufficient theoretical and practical guarantees.
5. While one must not turn a blind eye to the various conspiracies and efforts of various foreign adversaries, large and small, to harm the country's diverse national interests, it must be accepted as a "principle" that the primary causes of crisis in any country, including ours, are internal, not external, and those causes can be divided into two categories: structural and agent-based.
6. In responsibly reflecting upon the crisis, its causes, and the way out of it, one must accept that
1) democracy, despite all its flaws, is the best known system for administering societies and countries in the modern era, regardless of the form of government,
2) the revolutionary movement that triumphed in February 1979 placed the demand for democracy, in its various manifestations or forms, alongside the demands for justice and independence at the core of its slogans and programs, and at its zenith crystallized all three, based on a particular reading of Islam or Marxism or teachings grounded in national culture and the exigencies of Iranian communal life, as its principal slogans, and
3) the well-intentioned fighters of the Islamic faction of the broad revolutionary front, after that faction's dominance over its rivals for power and the declaration of the Islamic Republic, in emphasizing the two aspects of republicanism and Islamism, undoubtedly had in mind that reading of these two aspects in whose conjunction, beyond the realization of the country's true independence and the pursuit of justice-oriented policies in all fields, democracy would also be realized in all spheres with the belief that democracy, independence, and justice are necessary and concomitant with one another.
7. In a cursory glance, national interests, the country's salvation, and the guarantee of its proud future must be considered in three dimensions:
1) preserving the territorial integrity and comprehensive independence of the country,
2) the enjoyment by all citizens, all Iranians residing inside and outside the country, regardless of gender, race, religion, class and social status, and political position, of common and equal fundamental rights based on comprehensive, all-encompassing libertarianism and justice-seeking, and
3) the theoretical and practical commitment of all citizens at every level of social, political, economic, and cultural standing to the duties of citizenship and duties related to social position, in coexistence as Iranians, from the family level to the macro-national level, within the framework of universal equality before laws drafted based on the principal ideals of the revolution.
8. With all the respect that can and must be accorded to many of the country's compassionate politicians and officials, past and present, it must be accepted that, based on the theoretical foundations of the macro-governmental structures and the expediency assessments related to the exercise of sovereignty, appointed institutions have, in various ways, created obstacles to the realization of the true ideals of the revolution in the realm of democracy, comprehensive justice, and equal rights for citizens, such that we have witnessed and continue to witness both an overlap of duties and, through the adoption of criteria sometimes contradictory to the constitution, incapable or opportunistic individuals, or even those sometimes possessing good intentions but lacking merit, have, by exploiting various privileges and rents, attained exclusive, privileged positions in the arenas of politics, the judiciary, legislation, the economy, culture, and the country's management.
9. Under such conditions, it is evident that not only has the sphere of power of elected institutions been narrowed, but even within the elected institutions themselves, incapable opportunists have, in various forms, risen to power and then turned to corruption, sacrificing national interests for their personal and group interests and their uncriticized and sometimes irrational views and those of their like-minded associates and collaborators. Likewise, capable individuals of good intentions have sooner or later become tainted or fallen from the circle of power.
10. Our homeland now finds itself in a situation where its decision-making and administrative pillars and institutions are confronted with systematic inefficiency and corruption in every sphere, and this has provoked the overt or covert protest of the majority of society, including participants in the revolution or their descendants. Day by day, rightful demands in the areas of income, housing, and the various means of a dignified, optimal life are increasingly raised, and unfortunately, they receive responses unworthy of a people whose officials, sincerely or, perhaps, to placate their audience, consider the government to be derived from their power and in their service.
11. The existence of multiple decision-making centers, each obstructing the other, and the conscious or unconscious disregard or neglect of the country's macro-interests, along with the evasion of applying democratic rationality, are evident to any impartial and meticulous observer, domestic or foreign.
12. Everyone more or less knows or accepts that over the past forty-three years, a circle consisting of roughly 2,000 individuals, mostly connected through blood or marriage, have held sensitive decision-making and management positions in the country—from governorships, mayoralties, and provincial governorships to high-level presidencies in upstream institutions, ambassadorships, parliamentary representation, and ministries—and have been virtually unaccountable, in the true sense of the word, to any powerful oversight body for their actions. Not only have they mostly been concerned with preserving their own interests and those of their like-minded associates and relatives, but through their incompetence and sometimes misguided stances, they have inflicted heavy blows on national interests. In subsequent stages, this group of 2,000 can be reduced to a smaller group of 1,000, then 500, and even 100 or fewer, who overtly or covertly impose their views and preferences on the country's macro-level decision-making and management.
13. The interests of the country and the lofty ideals for which sacrifices have been made for at least over one hundred and fifteen years, and for whose realization the 1979 Revolution had raised great hopes, on the one hand, and the country's confrontation with terrifying, cancerous real crises that lie in ambush for its territorial integrity and the revolution's ideals, on the other, necessitate undertaking the necessary surgeries, however painful, to eradicate the cancerous glands from the various organs of the body of society. High-ranking government officials have spoken of
۱۵. In realizing the above and emerging from this devastating crisis, a “Crisis Transition Council” should be formed, with the active and informed participation of a number of truly competent individuals from the country’s various intellectual, cultural, political, educational, and economic spheres, who, firstly, have demonstrated their heartfelt concern and conscious national responsibility for the country’s problems in past years, and, secondly, have not been tainted by rent-seeking and the abuse of power and public resources.
This council must act with special authority in the following areas:
۱) Careful and impartial attention to the causes of the crisis at both the theoretical and executive levels, and the adoption of long-term decisions to eliminate all theoretical and practical factors that give rise to any crisis,
۲) A genuine turn toward democracy and the expansion of elective institutions, with guarantees for the integrity of elections to select competent individuals within the framework of political groups loyal to the ideals of independence, freedom, and justice, and the allocation of representative seats in proportion to the votes obtained in sound elections, in order to form a competent assembly for examining necessary theoretical and practical changes in structures, approving relevant appropriate laws, and preparing the country for the establishment of the necessary democratic institutions,
۳) Declaring a genuine interest in expanding peaceful relations, accompanied by mutual respect, with all neighbors and other countries of the world, within the framework of national interests, independence, territorial integrity, and adherence to international treaties, agreements, and charters, as gaining the trust of neighbors and global support will play a tremendous role in breaking the sanctions as quickly as possible.
۱۶. In the short term, this council will undertake the following measures:
۱) The theoretical and practical limitation, as much as possible, of non-elective institutions in the country,
۲) The maximum elimination of costly, capital-intensive rentier centers that lack genuine value for the country’s national interests,
۳) The maximum limitation of extravagance and wasteful expenditures of the country’s various institutions,
۴) Reducing the number of parallel decision-making centers and preventing the overlapping of duties among the country’s essential institutions,
۵) Maximum attention to the critical views and suggestions of individuals and strata from villages, nomadic communities, cities, and urban peripheries, ranging from ordinary people to well-intentioned, non-delinquent officials, intellectuals, workers, farmers, the affluent, employees, teachers, and professors,
۶) Creating suitable conditions for the entry of knowledgeable and capable individuals into the arena of statecraft in all its dimensions, within the framework of the equality of all citizens before the law in terms of rights and duties,
۷) Adopting democratic methods for genuine, systematic oversight of the integrity of the conduct of individuals and institutions, and preventing the infiltration of traitors, opportunists, and the corrupt into decision-making and management positions, and
۸) Creating a suitable mechanism to ensure that those who always prioritize national interests over individual, group, and party interests attain decision-making and management power.
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Long live all the true ideals of the Iranian nation for independence, freedom, justice, the prosperity of the country, and peaceful coexistence with one another and with other nations of the world, and greetings to all those who, with awareness and a sense of responsibility, have sacrificed, are sacrificing, and will sacrifice in the path of these ideals.
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نوشته اند « دموکراسی با همۀ ایرادهائی که به آن وارد است بهترین نظام شناخته شده برای ادارۀ جوامع و کشورها در دوران مدرن، صرف نظر از شکل حکومت، است » ؛ اما دمکراسی یک اصل است نه یک نظام . بر پایه این اصل ، بنا بر ویژگی های جماعت و جامعه ، سازوکارهای متنوع و متحولی می توان برساخت . اگر « شکل حکومت » متضمن اشاره به تفاوت های سازوکارهای دمکراتیک باشد، قابل قبول است ( بالاخره نحوه اداره یک شهر پنجاه هزار نفری با یک کشور صد میلیون نفری فرق دارد ) ، اما اگر منظور از « شکل حکومت » باز کردن راه برای « کاشتن » یک فرد یا خانواده دررأس ساختار اداری و سیاسی باشد ، کاشتن ویروس انسداد و استبداد در ساختار است . طی صد و بیست سال اخیر این را تا عمق وجود حس کرده ایم .