اندیشهفلسفهخردگفتگوحکمتمعناپرسشفرهنگ
Terrorism is a deliberate act grounded in an intellectual tradition with deep historical roots that has taken many forms. This piece examines the ontology and typology of terror, along with the identity-based and religious roots of extremism in the Middle East.

Terry Eagleton, the British scholar, introduces terrorism as an "idea-action." This means that terror is a conscious act based on a kind of intellectual background and pedigree. That is why, in the words of this author, a person does not blow up their neighbor's house out of momentary anger caused by the loud volume of the neighbor's television and without a prior intellectual background. (Eagleton et al., 1390: 9) In this discourse, I will first address the ontology and typology of terrorism and then examine the intellectual backgrounds of extremism in the Middle East.
The Ontology of Terror
The Oxford English Dictionary defines terrorism as the use of violence to achieve political goals or to compel a government to perform a specific action. The U.S. Department of Defense has also defined terrorism as "the unlawful threat or use of force or violence against individuals or property, to intimidate governments or people, with the intent to achieve political, religious, or ideological objectives." (Ghorban Nia, online source) Overall, it can be said that conscious violence and creating terror to achieve political goals constitute the main objectives of terrorists.
Terrorism has deep roots in history, but in the modern era, it was first employed by the French revolutionaries. From May 1793 to July 1794, thousands of people were sent to the guillotine in France, a period known as the "Reign of Terror." (Ashouri, 1384: 99) In Iran as well, the Ismaili sect and its formidable leader greatly benefited from this method to instill fear in the hearts of opponents. It is well known that they assassinated Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk Tusi, the famous Iranian politician and thinker. Even some experts believe that the word "Assassin," meaning terror in European languages, is a transformation of the Ismaili "Hashashin." The stories recounted from Alamut Castle are not dissimilar to the circumstances of today's terrorists. The followers of Hasan-i Sabbah had such firm belief in him that they were willing to commit suicide at his command. It is said that when the Caliph of Baghdad sent an envoy to negotiate with the leader of the Ismaili sect, during the negotiation, Hasan-i Sabbah signaled to one of his soldiers to throw himself down from the high wall of the castle, and the soldier obeyed his order without question. (Tayefi and Gashtasbi, quoting Naraghi, 1395: 67)
At the beginning of the twentieth century, the Fascists in Italy and Germany used terrorism effectively and successfully to gain power. Mussolini's supporters in Italy attacked the offices of opposition parties and newspapers and engaged in street violence to create terror. They went so far that in 1924, they physically assassinated one of the socialist leaders named "Giacomo Matteotti." It was later revealed that the order for this murder was issued by Mussolini himself. In this way, the Italian Fascists came to power through a mixture of terror and the use of the constitution. As soon as they seized power, they shut down opposition newspapers and parties and canceled elections. (Britannica, The Fascist Era)
The German Nazis also had a record similar to their Italian counterparts. In addition to the extensive use of propaganda and brainwashing tools, they also made considerable use of intimidation and violence. Besides having a disciplined organization, the Nazi Party was also backed by a paramilitary group called the "SA." The SA's duty was to guard Nazi Party gatherings on the one hand, and to disrupt rivals' gatherings and threaten them on the other. They were not even averse to the physical elimination of opponents. (Pouya, 1389: 145)
Typology of Terrorism
Experts divide terrorism into various types, including pre-modern terrorism, modern terrorism, postmodern terrorism, and cyberterrorism (virtual terrorism). Virtual terrorism has occurred as a result of the shrinking of our planet and the expansion of the internet. Today, citizens have no escape from using the internet, and it is precisely at this point that terrorists strike. Cyberattacks are designed to create fear or inflict economic damage on the target society. Perhaps the most acute case of cyberterrorism in our country was the Stuxnet virus, which was designed to damage Iran's nuclear facilities.
اما علاوه بر اینها، امروزه از گونه های دیگری با عنوان تروریسم نرم و یا بدون خونریزی هم نام برده می شود. بدین معنا که در این نوع از دهشت افکنی، ترورگرها از ابزارهای خزنده و پنهان سود می برند. به گونه ای که شاید حتی خود جامعه هدف نیز آن را درک نکند و ناخودآگاه به پیشبرد آن کمک نماید. (آقایی خواجه پاشا، 1392: 240) این نوع تروریسم در نتیجه افزایش دانش و مراودات جهانی پدید آمده است. تروریسم سایبری و یا تروریسم مواد مخدر(نارکو تروریسم)، از جمله خطرناک ترین این شیوه هاست.
امروزه، دانشوران برای تحلیل پدیده تروریسم از رهیافتهای گوناگونی از جمله رهیافت های مذهبی، روان شناختی، فلسفی و یا منطقی-عقلانی سود می برند. صاحب نطران رهیافت روان شناسی اعتقاد دارند، تروریسم پدیده ای غیرعقلانی است و غالبا اشخاص منزوی، شکست خورده و ناکام، در دام گروههای تروریستی می افتند. در واقع از نظر این کارشناسان، جوانانی که دارای مشکلات شخصیتی هستند و یا توانایی همنوایی با روندهای اجتماعی را ندارند، از بیشترین بخت برای پیوستن به تروریستها برخوردارند. (فیرحی و ظهیری، 1387: 158)
برخی متفکران نیز از رهیافت فلسفی برای تحلیل تروریسم سود می برند. یورگن هابرماس، تروریسم را نتیجه و پیامد جهانی شدن می شمارد. از نظر وی، جهانی شدن علاوه بر دارا بودن برخی جنبه های مثبت، پیامدهای منفی زیادی نیز دارد. این متفکر، بی عدالتی را خصلت اصلی جهانی شدن و دنیای مدرن می داند و تروریسم را واکنش اقلیت ها و گروههای ستم دیده، در برابر این پدیده ارزیابی می کند. رابرت. اِ. پاپ،[1] تروریسم را دارای منطقی استراتژیک می داند. بدین معنا که تروریستها اشخاصی بی عقل و ناتوان نیستند، بلکه به هزینه، فایده و کارآمدی اقدام خود فکر می کنند و نتایج آن را محاسبه می نمایند. وی معتقد است، تروریستها در فرآیند رسیدن به هدف، محاسبه گرایانه عمل می کنند و تلاش می کنند با کمترین هزینه، بیشترین وحشت را در جامعه هدف ایجاد نمایند. (همان، 161)
امروزه تروریسم در خاورمیانه، بیشتر از ریشه ای هویتی و مذهبی برخوردار است. به عنوان نمونه، پیدایش القاعده و یا داعش را نمی توان به دلایل روان شناختی و یا فلسفی فروکاست. این گروهها از سازمانی پیچیده و عقبه ای دینی برخوردارند، ضمن این که ایدئولوگها و دانشوران خاص خود را نیز دارند. بن لادن، در اعلامیه ای مذهبی-سیاسی اعلام کرده بود که جنگ با آمریکایی ها بر هر مسلمانی واجب است و این اقدام را در جهت آزادسازی بیت المقدس و بیت الله الحرام و سرزمین های اسلامی از چنگ کفار ارزیابی نمود. (آقایی خواجه پاشا، 1392: 242)
افراط گرایی در خاورمیانه
همان گونه که در سطور پیشین آوردم، افراط گرایی در خاورمیانه، منشا هویتی و دینی دارد. واقعیت این است که در دوران کنونی، سبک زندگی و نوع تفکر غربی، به موقعیتی مسلط در کل دنیا دست پیدا نموده است. صدای غرب، به گفتمانی مسلط و هژمونیک بدل شد و جا را برای سایر هویتها به شدت تنگ نمود. امروزه بسیاری از مسلمانان و دانشوران آنها اعتقاد دارند که فرهنگ، سبک زندگی و تفکر آنها زیر ضربات تمدن غربی قرار گرفته است. تمدن اسلامی، تمدنی بزرگ و ریشه دار است و بسیار طبیعی است که پیروان آن نتوانند سلطه فرهنگی و یا نظامی «دیگری» را بر خویش تحمل کنند. علاوه بر اینها، اشغال بیت المقدس در سال 1967 توسط اسراییل و حمله به افغانستان و عراق توسط آمریکا، تمام سرزمین های اسلامی را با خشم ناشی از تحقیر شکست در مقابل غیرمسلمانان مواجه ساخت. در چنین وضعیتی، بروز خشونت و بنیادگرایی امری طبیعی محسوب می شود، چرا که ایدئولوژیهای افراط گرا همواره در پاسخ به وضعیت بحرانی آشکار می شوند. به گمان نگارنده، گروههای سلفی-تکفیری حاضر در صحنه خاورمیانه از سه سرچشمه عمده فکری برخوردارند. «خوارج»، «ابن تیمیه» و «سید قطب»، اصلی ترین منابع تغذیه کننده این گروهها بشمار می آیند.
The Kharijites are one of the most extremist groups to have emerged in Islamic history. This group arose in the wake of the theological disputes following the Battle of Siffin. They declared Ali (a.s.), Uthman, and those who consented to arbitration to be infidels, and deemed rebellion against an unjust ruler obligatory. This group considers "action" an integral component of faith and regards the perpetrator of a sin as an apostate and an infidel. One of the Kharijite sects, called the "Azariqa," went so far as to deem the killing of a sinner, along with his children and wives, obligatory. (Fakhouri and Jarr, 2014: 111) The principal intellectual tenet of the Kharijites is "La hukma illa lillah" (No judgment but God's) and the attribution of sovereignty to God. In their view, the Almighty Lord is the sole sovereign authority. For this reason, the Kharijites considered Imam Ali's (a.s.) acceptance of arbitration during the Battle of Siffin a major sin and a cause for leaving the religion, and demanded that he take the path of repentance. (Qaderi, 2000: 63) Later, the idea of God's sovereignty was extensively exploited and developed by "Sayyid Qutb," the theorist of the Muslim Brotherhood.
The oldest Islamic movement of the twentieth century was founded by Hassan al-Banna in 1928. The Muslim Brotherhood initially pursued the re-establishment of the Islamic Caliphate as its core idea. The Caliphate system collapsed in 1924 following the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in World War I. Al-Banna believed that Muslims should strive to achieve a single Islamic state (Ummah) under the leadership of a supreme leader, rather than having the Muslim population divided among various states. (Bunzel, 2015: 8) However, it was "Sayyid Qutb" who had the greatest influence on the young Brotherhood militants, leading many of them to enter the phase of armed struggle. He joined the Brotherhood in 1951 and was eventually executed in 1966 on charges of conspiracy against the nationalist government of Gamal Abdel Nasser.
Here, before delving into the views of "Sayyid Qutb," I deem it necessary to provide a brief explanation of certain terms such as "Dar al-Islam" and "Dar al-Harb." In today's world, countries are usually divided based on nationality or historical borders. However, Islamic jurists divide nations based on "creed" into various domains such as "Dar al-Islam" and "Dar al-Kufr." In defining "Dar al-Islam," Islamic scholars fall into two categories. The first group defines "Dar al-Islam" as a place where people have converted to Islam and the principles of Islamic law prevail; a place where Islamic symbols such as the call to prayer, mosques, or congregational prayers exist, and Muslims enjoy freedom of expression and action. The second view is more focused on dominion and governance. According to this group of Islamic scholars, Dar al-Islam is a land where governance is in the hands of Muslims. By this interpretation, if a group of Muslims governs a non-Muslim country, that place would be the domain of Islam, but if a group of non-Muslims governs a country with a Muslim majority, that land is not defined as Islamic. Any place that is not "Dar al-Islam" is considered "Dar al-Kufr." "Dar al-Harb" refers to territories under non-Muslim rule. The important point here is the nature of the relationship between these domains, which can be peaceful, neutral, or hostile. (Mousavi Bojnourdi and Daneshpour, 2006: 93)
"Sayyid Qutb," as an influential Islamic thinker, in his impactful book titled "Milestones"[2], divided the world's societies into two categories: "Jahili society" and "Islamic society." In his view, any society where God's sovereignty is not established is considered tyrannical (Taghuti) and an instance of Jahili society. Qutb introduces Jahili society as "Dar al-Harb," against which jihad must be waged. He believed that to transform a Jahili society into an Islamic society, a vanguard group of fighters must exist to pave the way for the establishment of God's sovereignty. This Islamic scholar derived the idea of the vanguard group from the migration of a group of devoted Muslims from Mecca to Medina and their companionship with the Prophet of Islam. Qutb deemed it necessary for Muslims to separate themselves from Jahili society and, following the model of the Prophet of Islam's migration, form this vanguard group. In summary, the main components of Qutb's thought can be summarized as follows:
"1_ The socio-political system dominating the contemporary Islamic and non-Islamic world is a system of Jahiliyyah mixed with sinfulness, injustice, suffering, and the denial of Islam's divine guidance.
2_ The duty of faithful Muslims is to strive for the revival of Islam by transforming the jahili society through da'wa and militant jihad.
3_ The transformation of the jahili society into a true Islamic society is the responsibility of the pioneering, self-sacrificing Muslims.
4_ The ultimate goal of committed Muslims must be the establishment of God's sovereignty on earth, so that through this all sins, sufferings, and oppressions are removed." (Dekmejian, 1377: 166-167)
The reality is that Qutb's interpretation of the concepts of "Dar al-Islam" and "Dar al-Harb" had a profound impact on the thinking and outlook of Salafi groups in the Middle East, including ISIS. One Salafi ideologue named "Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi" says that Dar al-Kufr is equivalent to Dar al-Harb, meaning that all countries with a non-Muslim majority are a legitimate target for attack. Since he considers the caliphate system to be the only legitimate system, he believes that in today's world, no country can be considered an instance of Dar al-Islam. Therefore, all of them can be attacked. Al-Maqdisi considers migration to the lands of the Islamic State (ISIS) a necessity for all Muslims and asks them to undertake this as quickly as possible. (National Centre of Excellence for Islamic Studies, 2016: 35)
But the reality is that ISIS's interpretation of the land of disbelief and the land of Islam is not an accurate one. As mentioned, many Muslim jurists consider any place where Islamic symbols, including mosques, the call to prayer (adhan), and congregational prayer, are present to be "Dar al-Islam." With this broad interpretation, perhaps no place in the world can be considered the abode of disbelief.
As I mentioned in the preceding lines, "Ibn Taymiyyah," the radical Hanbali jurist, is another figure whose thoughts have greatly influenced Salafi groups. A few years before his birth, Baghdad fell to the Mongol Hulagu Khan, and the Islamic caliphate system collapsed. This event had a profound effect on him. In addition to theorizing, he was also active in the arena of political practice. Ibn Taymiyyah was not only deeply hostile towards Shia Islam, but throughout his life he also clashed repeatedly with other Sunni schools of thought and was imprisoned several times. Using the metaphor of the Straight Path (Sirat), he divided people into three categories: those who incurred wrath (maghdubin), those who are astray (dallin), and those who are guided (muhtadun). Ibn Taymiyyah categorized the followers of Shiism under "those who incurred wrath." He considered Shia Islam to be an innovation (bid'ah) and introduced matters such as the Eid al-Ghadir, the celebration of the Prophet of Islam's birthday, and mourning for the event of Karbala as instances of these types of innovations. He considered the Straight Path to be following the Prophet's Companions (Sahaba) and the Followers (Tabi'un), and regarded only Sunnis as the guided ones (muhtadun). (Barzegar, 1391: 31)
Ibn Taymiyyah is considered the father of Salafi movements in the Islamic world. His anti-Shia tendencies are clearly reflected in the statements of some leaders of extremist movements in the Middle East. One can point to the letter of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, the founder of Al-Qaeda in Iraq. This letter was written in 2004 addressed to Al-Qaeda leaders in Afghanistan and later fell into American hands. In this letter, he launched harsh attacks on Shia Islam and, quoting some Sunni scholars including Ibn Taymiyyah, considered Shia Islam to be outside the realm of Islam. Al-Zarqawi called the Shia accomplices of the Mongols in the fall of Baghdad and considered the establishment of the Safavid dynasty in Iran during the 16th-17th centuries AD a dagger in the body of Islam. Despite the fact that Iraq was under American occupation at the time, al-Zarqawi introduced Shia Islam as a more dangerous enemy than America and said that the Crusader forces would sooner or later disappear from the pages of time, but Shia Islam would remain. He accused the Shia of intending to bring the entire Middle East region under their domination. It was with this logic in mind that al-Zarqawi permitted attacks on Shia gatherings and hoped that these attacks would provoke the Shia community's reaction against Sunnis, causing them to also attack Sunni gatherings, and as a result, the Sunnis would awaken and rise up for "jihad" against the Shia innovators. (Bunzel, 2015: 14)
Final Word
Terrorism not only differs from classical wars between two countries, but is also a transnational and cross-border issue. In the past, some imagined that terrorism had economic and psychological origins. That is, poor marginalized people or isolated individuals join the ranks of terrorists, but closer examination indicates the fallacy of this hypothesis. The reality is that the major part of extremism in the Middle East has identity-based and religious roots. Meanwhile, the catastrophic presence of the West in our region has turned the situation increasingly in favor of the terrorists. In my opinion, confronting this global scourge requires attention to its cultural roots and an international resolve.
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1_ Ashouri, Dariush (2005), Political Encyclopedia, Tehran, Morvarid
2_ Aghaei Khajeh Pasha, Davoud (2013), An Analysis of Political-Legal Strategies for Combating International Terrorism, Politics Quarterly, Vol. 43, No. 1
3_ Eagleton, Terry et al. (2011), Terror and Thought, compiled and translated by: Amir Houshang Eftekhari Rad and Nader Fattourehchi, Tehran, Cheshmeh Publishing
4_ Barzegar, Ebrahim (2012), The Metaphor of the Path in the Political Thoughts of Ibn Taymiyyah, Strategic Policy Research Quarterly, Year 1, No. 3
5_ Pouya, Nasser (2010), The Emergence of Fascism, Tehran, Ettela'at
6_ Dekmejian, Hrair, Islam in Revolution, Islamic Movements in the Arab World, translated by Hamid Ahmadi (1998), Tehran, Keyhan Publications
7_ Tayefi, Shirzad and Gashtasbi, Moloud (2016), Dogmatism and Authoritarianism in the History of Beyhaqi, Political-Economic Ettela'at Quarterly, Year 31, No. 305
8_ Firahi, Davoud and Zahiri, Samad (2008), Terrorism; Definition, History, and Existing Approaches in the Analysis of the Phenomenon of Terrorism, Politics Quarterly, Vol. 38, No. 3
9_ Fakhoury, Hanna and Jarr, Khalil, History of Philosophy in the Islamic World, translated by: Abdolmohammad Ayati (2014), Tehran, Elmi va Farhangi Publications
10_ Ghaderi, Hatam (2000), Political Thoughts in Islam and Iran, Tehran, SAMT Publications
11_ Ghorban Nia, Nasser, Confronting Terrorism; Military, Political, or Legal Approach, retrieved on 24/6/2017, at:
http://www.ensani.ir/fa/content/262927/default.aspx
12_ Mousavi Bojnourdi, Mohammad and Daneshpour, Eftekhar (2006), A Jurisprudential Study of the Boundaries of Dar al-Islam and Dar al-Kufr with an Approach to the Thought of Imam Khomeini, Matin Quarterly, No. 31 & 32
13_ Britannica, the Fascist era, the rise of Mussolini, from https://www.britannica.com/place/Italy/The-Fascist-era, Accessed June, 25, 2017
14_ National Centre of Excellence for Islamic Studies (The University of Melbourne Australia), (2016), ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria), Origins, Ideology, and Responses, From http://arts.unimelb.edu.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0006/2297733/ISIS_Origins,-Ideology,-and-Responses-by-Mainstream-Muslim-Scholars.pdf, Accessed June, 25, 2017
15_ Bunzel, Cole, (2015), From Paper State to Caliphate: The Ideology of the Islamic State, From https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/The-ideology-of-the-Islamic-State.pdf, Accessed June, 25, 2017
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[1] .Robert. A. Pape
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Discussion4 comments
کشتار میلیونها نفر بیگناه بدست کشورهای اروپایی و ایالات متحده بعنوان نمونه کشوری لیبرال دموکرات نشان می دهد که بزرگترین عامل کشتار دسته جمعی چه بوده است. 100میلیون نفر فقط در جنگ جهانی دوم بواسطه افکار لیبرال دموکرات کشتار شدند. رقمی عظیم در جنگ جهانی اول بوسیله کشورهای مدعی دموکراسی پنج و نیم میلیون نفر در جنگ ویتنام بوسیله ایلات متحده کشته شدند. سرکوب بیرحمانه انقلاب مردم فرانسه علیه نظام سرمایه داری چهره لیبرالیسم را در زمان بحران رسوا می سازد. فلسفه غرب ایدئولوژی نفرت و کشتاری که با حرف های زیبا نسل کشی براه می اندازد.
فرخزاد توی قطعه عصیان از وجود خشم و قهر خدا شکایت می کنه و اخوان ثالث توی قطعه گزارش از نبود خشم و قهر او.... احساس می کنم هر چه تاریخ می گذرد جلوه های محسوس و ملموس خشم خدا کمتر میشه و یه جورایی واگذار به آخرت و زندگی بعد از مرگ میشه...به روی قوم های عاد و ثمود عذاب نازل میشه ولی بعد از خاتم پیامبران ،این حسین و خانواده و یاران او هستند که قتل عام میشن.... یه جورایی خدا با زبان بی زبانی میگه :ببینید خشم من خودخواهانه نیست . آیا اگه خود شما جای من بودید آنها را مجازات و تنبیه نمی کردید ؟یعنی ولایت و اتوریته ظاهر خدا در طول تاریخ به سمت ولایت و اتوریته معنوی جا به جا میشه. به نظر من ،تکنولوژی و فضای مجازی جا را نه تنها برای مسلمان ها بلکه اصلا برای ادیان بلکه ذات دین ،اخلاق و زندگی معنوی تنگ کرده.... و متاسفانه یا شاید خوشبختانه دیر یا زود ما باید منتظر خشونت های خود آگاهانه یا ناخود آگاهانه در برابر این وضعیت باشیم...
فکر نمی کنم تروریسم با منشاء دینی و مذهبی در خاورمیانه علاج و چاره ای داشته باشد تا وقتی که باعث و بانی این اختلاف ها باقیست! قرن ها پیش برزویه طبیب نوشت: هر چه بررسی و اندیشه کردم به این نتیجه رسیدم، ادیان حاصلی جز تفرقه و دشمنی در میان فرزندان بشر ندارند.
ادیان توحیدی "وحدت ویکپارچگی"ایجاد می کنند.وقتی انسانها در دام جهل و آن هم ازنوع"جهل مرکب"گرفتارباشند,دچار تفرقه می شوند.اشکال از ادیان توحیدی نیست,اشکال از ماانسانهاست...